Nation State: Journal of International Studies
https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis
<p>Nation State: Journal of International Studies is a peer-review journal under the management of the International Relations Department, Faculty of Economics and Social Science, University of AMIKOM Yogyakarta, in collaboration with <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1ECnzJHq1kHO1UMb4b5ybzu9PRg6jgQwJ/view?usp=share_link" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Asosiasi Ilmu Hubungan Internasional Indonesia</a> (AIHII). The journal publishes primarily original research articles, perspectives, and short-form essays published through a double-blind review procedure. Nation State: Journal of International Studies publish two issues per year (June & December). <sup>(<a href="https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis/about">Read More</a>)</sup></p>Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, University of Amikom Yogyakartaen-USNation State: Journal of International Studies2620-391XThe Shifting Attitudes of Acehnese towards Rohingya Refugees
https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis/article/view/1489
<p>Various rejections by local Acehnese, as well as netizens on social media, have emerged against the newly arrived Rohingya refugees on the beaches of Aceh. The rejection ranges from the locals' rejection of the boats to land to the forced removal of the refugees by students. This change in response from the local Acehnese community is surprising, as the local community's response to the refugees has been known to be positive since the first boat arrived. Through a qualitative analysis that connects the issue with the concept of autochthony, this research found that such concept is connected to the shifting response of the Acehnese towards the newly arrived Rohingya refugees, whereas the concept’s key points of (1) protection of ancestral heritage as well as (2) fear of being contaminated by foreign influences, are prevalent in the locals’ recent gestures and acts of refusals. If this attitude is maintained, it is not impossible that more discrimination towards the Rohingya refugees could take place in the near future.</p>Naufal Rasendriya Apta Raharema
Copyright (c) 2024 Naufal Rasendriya Apta Raharema
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
2024-06-242024-06-247111310.24076/nsjis.v7i1.1489Regulating European Union’s Border in Africa
https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis/article/view/1529
<p>Ceuta and Melilla are two enclaves that belong to Spain in Morocco and have become the contact points of the irregular migrants coming from Africa that are attempting to reach the European continent. The enclaves have utilized innovative technology and barbed wire, but immigrant crises have occurred over the years. Despite the crises, the Spanish and Moroccan governments choose to perform a semi-permeable border. This article explains the semi-permeable border using the liberal institutional theory. This article argues that a semi-permeable border is chosen by the Spanish and Moroccan governments to fulfill their mutual self-interests. The Spanish government agrees to perform a semi-permeable border to retain the symbolic border of the region. The blurring overlap in the enclaves has put the Spanish government to use help from the European Union to conduct security measures in the region. The Moroccan government agrees to perform a semi-permeable border to retain its influence over the enclaves and uses the immigrant crises as a bargaining chip for the European Union. The European Union maximizes the performance of a semi-permeable border to pursue its interest, which is to conduct the Euro-Mediterranean Free Trade Agreement.</p>Yanuar Rahmadan
Copyright (c) 2024 Yanuar Rahmadan
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
2024-06-242024-06-2471142810.24076/nsjis.v7i1.1529A Comparative Analysis of Western Nations’ Actions in Russia-Ukraine and Israel-Palestine Conflicts
https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis/article/view/1558
<p>This study explores and contrasts the responses of Western nations, specifically the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), and the European Union (EU), to two pivotal conflicts: the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict and the 2023 Israel-Palestine conflict. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, the analysis delves into the political, historical, and humanitarian dimensions of these responses, aiming to unravel the intricate factors that shape Western foreign policy. Through a qualitative content analysis of diplomatic statements, and policy actions, the research discerns the motivations guiding the approaches of these key Western players to these conflicts. By using a comparative in foreign policy framework, a pivotal finding emerges, emphasizing that diverse in responses are primarily driven by interstate perspectives, thereby revealing nuanced positions influenced by varying regional alliances within the US, the UK, and the EU.</p>Muhammad Alfian Maulana
Copyright (c) 2024 Muhammad Alfian Maulana
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
2024-06-242024-06-2471295210.24076/nsjis.v7i1.1558China's Belt and Road Initiative Implementation Maneuvers in the South Pacific Region
https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis/article/view/1185
<p>The geopolitical ascendancy of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) within the South Pacific Region has been extensively scrutinized due to its potential to both align with global development agendas and provoke sovereignty concerns among recipient nations. It is hypothesized that the BRI could either exacerbate debt dependencies or foster economic emancipation depending on the governance responses of the recipient countries. Therefore, this study seeks to analyze the strategic deployments and the consequential geopolitical ramifications of the BRI, particularly focusing on South Pacific nations. A qualitative method, utilizing literature reviews and analyses of secondary data sources, was systematically employed to extract and synthesize relevant insights. Empirical evidence from multiple South Pacific case studies reveals that these nations have the capacity to harness the initiative for economic enhancement without necessarily succumbing to compromised sovereignty. These findings illuminate the dual potential of the BRI to either ensnare recipient nations in dependency cycles or empower them through strategic economic engagement, contingent upon the negotiation dynamics and governance acumen of the recipient countries.</p>Rezya Agnesica Helena SihalohoTri Bagus PrabowoCahyo Pamungkas
Copyright (c) 2024 Rezya Agnesica Helena Sihaloho, Tri Bagus Prabowo, Cahyo Pamungkas
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
2024-06-302024-06-3071537010.24076/nsjis.v7i1.1185Identity Politics and Political Parties in India
https://jurnal.amikom.ac.id/index.php/nsjis/article/view/1587
<p>India is the country with the largest Hindu majority in the world. Since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power, the leadership model in India has been directed at implementing the teachings of Hindu nationalism, which considers it essential to protect Indian Hindu culture from the attacks of Western liberal ideology. This research aims to provide an overview of how Hindu identity politics is implemented in India under the rule of the BJP and what kind of political strategies and policies have been created by the Indian government, influenced by the ideology of Hindu hypernationalism. This qualitative research uses literature review data analysis techniques. The data sources used are secondary data from journals, books, and websites related to the research theme. Source triangulation is used for data validity, namely by verifying different data sources to obtain valid results. This research found that the identity politics implemented by the BJP utilizes the belief system/ideology of Indian Hindus through Hindutva teachings. The political strategy is carried out by embracing as many radical Hindu groups as possible and creating various policies that discredit minority groups in India. Additionally, during campaigns, the BJP often uses Hindu symbols to gain political support.</p>IGAAG Dewi Sucitawathi Pinatih
Copyright (c) 2024 IGAAG Dewi Sucitawathi Pinatih
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0
2024-06-302024-06-3071718510.24076/nsjis.v7i1.1587